Consult with relevant tips from urban and rural sociology

Consult with relevant tips from urban and rural sociology

The Hong Kong businesswomen mentioned above wanted their femininity, perhaps not their ability to imitate the behaviour of the male colleagues, to be respected (Hills, 2000). If they desire to achieve this they need to start by revolutionising the discourse of the life and their workplaces. This means that “”fighting”” must become “”discovering””, and “”goals”” or “”victories”” must become “”answers”” or “”solutions””. The ways in which discourse must change are numerous as the types of structures, cultures and methods in which they operate. It is not through the appreciation of female traits that the discourse and structures, cultures and methods associated with workplace will become less coercive and less divisive; it is through discourse that female traits will come to be appreciated and structures, cultures and methods associated with workplace becomes less coercive and less divisive. It is, among other activities, from discourse that dominant masculinity came to predominate, which is, among other activities, through discourse it may be abated. In the compass of the paper it is discourse that’s the root while the reason for the problem, perhaps not the symptom while the outcome.

Critically examined, it has been shown that the initial statement may be too optimistic. Collinson and Hearn’s (1996) view that dominant masculinities are precarious as a result of their inherent division and competitiveness seems at first sight to be reasonable, although this could be illusory. Examination of the converse situation, that of a hypothetical consensual and trusting masculinity, reveals that, conceptually at the least, masculinity’s divisions and competitiveness should be expected as well as in this it finds a type of unity, and therefore calls into question the credibility of Collinson and Hearn’s (1996) conceptualisation associated with problem. That is not to express that a challenge cannot successfully be produced. The most popular shortcomings of previous challenges are they all have problems with faulty signification, having originated externally or having become externalised. The suggestion made in the context of the paper is the fact that for the process to achieve success it must originate in discourse. The power of discourse being a support to dominant masculinities has been shown, and thus it isn’t unreasonable to suppose that a similarly rooted challenge might have comparable power and successful result. The key to success, however, is that the challenge must start with discourse and be – and remain – wholly internal. Previous challenges developed their own discourses but these were weak due to their emergence from externalised agendas: they were efficiently restricted to their educational, political or feminist original locus. To achieve success and all-embracing in both the workplace and wider society, the agenda must emerge from discourse, perhaps not vice versa, and must encompass all facets of the public and private spheres.

Barrett, M. (1998) “”Stuart Hall”” in Stones, R. (ed.) Key Sociological Thinkers, pp. 266-278, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan

Blackburn, R.M., Browne, J., Brooks, B. and Jarman, J. (2002) “”Explaining gender segregation”” in British Journal of Sociology, 53(4), pp. 513-536

Cockburn, C. (1991) within the Way of Women, Basingstoke: Macmillan

Collinson, D. and Hearn, J. (1996) “”‘Men’ at ‘work’: multiple masculinities/multiple workplaces”” in Mac an Ghaill, M. (ed) Understanding Masculinity: Social Relations and Cultural Arenas, pp. 61-76, Buckingham: Open University Press

Crompton, R. (1997) Women and Work in Modern Britain, Oxford: Oxford University Press

Deal, T. and Kennedy, A. (1982) Corporate Cultures: the Rites and Rituals of Corporate Life, Harmondsworth: Penguin

proteins production biology essay

Goodwin, J. (1999) “”Gendered work in Dublin: initial findings on work and class””, CLMS University of Leicester Working Paper, (24), [online] available at https://lra.le.ac.uk/bitstream/2381/8583/1/working_paper24.pdf, accessed 30th September, 2015

Hakim, C. (1996) Key Issues in Women’s Work: Female Heterogeneity therefore the Polarisation of Women’s Employment, London: Athlone

Hills, K. (2000) “”Women managers’ workplace relationships: reflections on cultural perceptions of gender””, CLMS University of Leicester Working Paper, (26), [online] available at https://lra.le.ac.uk/handle/2381/8566, accessed 30th September, 2015

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Pateman, C. (1988) The Sexual Contract, Oxford: Basil Blackwell

Potter, G. (2000) The Philosophy of Social Science, Harlow: Prentice Hall

Van Dijk, T. A. (1997) “”Discourse as discussion in society”” in Van Dijk, T. A. (ed) Discourse as Social Interaction, pp. 1-37, London: Sage

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Do the urban and rural spheres remain socially distinct in almost any means? Consult with relevant tips from urban and rural sociology.

Sharma (1997 p. 74) states that rural and urban communities form the ‘end points within the continuum of individual habitats’. However, it has additionally been suggested that the social, cultural and technological developments in the uk (UK) have led to a country wide urban society, with limited sociological distinctions between your two geographical areas, via a process of urbanisation. The remit of the assignment would be to discuss this further, and can refer to various theoretical contributions to support or contradict this argument. Furthermore, particular reference are designed to the idea of communities while the essay will even explore social relations from both the urban and rural perspective.

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If sociology may be the study of society and its social issues, rural sociology focuses predominantly upon the existence of these within rural environments, frequently targeting the countryside (Karalay 2005 p. 3). Peggs (2012 p. 89) proposes that in Britain we frequently perceive the countryside like a ‘rural idyll’, a view that is premised upon the low crime rates, sensed continued existence of community and kinship ties and a diminished population density. However, Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. viii) claim that such perceptions frequently end in clear generalisations and a failure to acknowledge the diversity amongst villages, suggesting that the meaning of rurality itself is normally flawed due to its presumption that each area holds homogenous traits. This stereotypical view of rural society being harmonious has additionally resulted in a failure to determine the impact of industrialisation upon the sociology of agriculture, while the isolation frequently experienced by adults in remote rural areas (Scott 2014 p. 656). The former refers to the impact that technological advancements have experienced upon the practice of agriculture, or the Agricultural Revolution. Whilst this has considerably increased the skills of farmers to guide a bigger number of individuals and created a surplus associated with accessibility to food, particularly in Western areas, it has additionally impacted upon environment change and employment rates in rural areas (Volti 2011 p. 6).

Whereas, urban sociology is mainly linked to the structure of a city or town plus the social discussion between your people that live there (Peggs 2012 p. 90) and it has been suggested that towns would be the ‘physical embodiment of political and economic relationships; therefore, an exponential focus has been placed upon urban societies by sociologists while the government (Flanagan 2010 p. 3). Browne (2005 p. 389) defines urbanization due to the fact ‘process associated with movement’ of individuals from rural areas across to cities with towns becoming the major centres of population. Whilst it is related to being excellent for the modern world post the Industrial Revolution, Wagner (2008 p. 6) notes that is has also caused a number of ‘new’ issues; including pollution while the negative impact it has already established upon the surroundings, health issues especially within lower socio-economic groups, and country wide inequality. Although urban communities are fundamentally developed from rural habitats, there’s a amount of ‘glaring differences in every part of life’ (Sharma 1997 p. 74). For instance, the distinctive traits of an urban society is noted as the ‘substitution of secondary for primary contacts’; the weakening of kinship; decline within the role associated with household; lack of neighbourhood and community; as well as an ‘undermining associated with conventional basis of social solidarity’ (Lin and Mele 2012 p. 39). For instance, Flanagan (2010 p. 175) argues that certain associated with major causes for migration to rural areas has long been, and continues to be to be, economic incentive and Sharma (1997 p. 76) proposes that urban societies have grown to be more meritocratic, offering its citizens the chance to reach their full potential, suggesting that rural areas are premised upon a conventional value system that provides little room for change.

Louis Wirth (1938) sensed the defining traits of a city as being population size and density as well as social diversity; proposing that the mixture of therefore have led to a ‘distinctive urban way of life’ (Fulcher and Scott 2011 p. 475). Wirth’s theory has been noted to become a seminal piece talking about urbanisation, proposing that he perceived this to be something which would spread to any or all areas; fearing that it was a ‘socially disruptive’ process, a threat to your moral values of citizens, that could create a lack of community and ‘underlying consensus’ (Slattery 2002 p. 303). Also, he perceived urbanism as being separate from records of capitalism, industrialism or modernity and failed to acknowledge just how such principles are intertwined and dependent of every other (Magnusson 2013 p. 55).

Tonnie’s (1957) analysis associated with impact associated with industrial revolution suggested that the disruption due to people moving to your city resulted in an increase in ‘large-scale, impersonal, calculative and contractual relationships’; at the expense of community (Hillyard 2007 p. 7). His theory contains a comparison between gemeinschaftlich, communal solidarity, and gesellschaftlich including relations of calculative and contractual natures, and is frequently critiqued because of his depiction of historical communities to be romantic and ideal (Scott 2007 p. 780). Similarly, Simmel (1903) proposed that there were significant differences within human discussion in city life compared to rural areas, suggesting that individuals are more likely to be emotionally reserved and individualistic, proposing that the development of such skills enables them to ‘cope utilizing the multiple demands of urban life’ (Stolley 2005 p. 169). He suggested that urban life actually leaves citizens ‘bombarded’ with ‘images, impressions, sensations and activities’ resulted in them becoming blasé and disinterested with others, exacerbating the emotional distance between by themselves and others (Giddens 2006 p. 896). This is certainly further discussed by Furedi (2013 p. 319) that the ‘veiled hatred and contempt’ for the present day industrial society resulted in Tonnies work frequently being disputed due to its generalised nature.

This change in the socially cohesive nature of pre-industrial society ended up being also discussed by Emilie Durkheim (1897), however, his work wasn’t solely from a pessimistic perspective and he argued that it was only a change in the social bonds and relationships (Hillyard 2007 p.10). He argued that urban-adults are more likely to become less associated with the ‘common concern’ and develop an interdependence premised upon an organic solidarity; in which, ‘social ties are based on differences’ (Stolley 2005 p. 169). He felt that modern society ended up being based on ‘the ideals of modern individualism’, with concerns as to whether this could give a adequate foundation for society, however, felt that communities might be re-established on different grounds (Challenger 1994 p. 211).

Community is really a multi-dimensional term that may refer to a physical devote which people live together but additionally to ‘groups of individuals whose discussion isn’t according to physical proximity but shared interests’ (Robinson and Green 2011 p. 13). The idea of community is normally compared in the urban-rural continuum, with Mann (2003 p. 190) supporting the theoretical perspective that urbanisation has led to a lack of community, while the values that are related to it. Furthermore, Fulcher and Scott (2011 p. 475) proposed that the weakening of relationships in city life is among the key reasons why urban-adults are significantly more likely to have mental health issues, commit suicide or become victims of crime. Yet Browne (2005 p. 393) argues that the close knit community in rural areas can actually be really ‘narrow minded and oppressive’; proposing that individuals that are different to the majority, and even don’t have household ties utilizing the area, could be excluded. This is certainly further supported by Lister (2010 p. 203) who notes that whilst any community can offer safety for many, this is done so based on the exclusion of others; reiterating it cannot be viewed as an ‘organic homogenous entity’. However, Abrahamson (2013 p. 55) argues that certain associated with key grounds for the focus upon urban development is community planning, trying to alleviate the problems linked to the lack of community in cities by trying to adjust the structure, provision and resources to enforce these.

Lin and Mele (2012 p. 39) declare that the adult urban population are much less likely to be unemployed as a result of amount of jobs available, also suggesting that city life itself ‘discourages’ unemployment due to the lack of support and concentrate upon individualism. Yet Ferrante (2013 p. 252) argues that issues with the rural regions of a country in many cases are under exaggerated or ignored: for instance, she notes that a large percentage of children that live in poverty live in rural areas; noting the results of economic restructuring, decline of farming and conventional industries while the lack of adequate support in these areas. This is certainly further discussed by Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. xvi) who note that assumptions premised upon the idealised nature associated with rural cause a ‘comparative invisibility’ of social problems which are just like likely to happen here as in urban societies, such as for instance poverty, domestic violence and substance misuse; proposing that often the needs of rural-adults are mostly ignored by state provision. Also, Betti and Lemmi (2013 p. 36) argue that whilst statistical evidence may indicate that rates of poverty are considerably higher in cities and towns, they explain this by the considerably higher population density, a greater cost of residing in such areas, while the exponential costs of buying or renting accommodation in the centre of a city. Furthermore, whilst poverty is normally perceived as as an inner city problem, it’s found widely in rural areas with farm workers being amongst the lowest paid in society having a lack of their task also potentially causing homelessness and eviction (Browne 2005 p. 393).

Paddison (2001 p. 12) argues that there has turned into a decentralisation, utilizing the intertwining of town and country, producing a country wide urban society and a rural sociology becoming less relevant in our contemporary world. This is certainly further maintained by Fulcher and Scott (2011 p. 471) who note that the differences between your two communities have ‘largely disappeared’ due to both of these now being ‘shaped by the dynamics of consumer capitalism’. Although Browne (2005 p. 389) argues that because the 1960’s the UK has reversed a few of the changes made throughout the industrial period, with increasing numbers of people choosing to live in the countryside. This is certainly especially relevant within areas which are within commutable distance to major towns, because of high costs of residing in the towns plus the perception that rural areas are considerably better for raising children. Furthermore, Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. 6) argue that technological advancements, such as the internet, have further perpetuated the decentralisation of urban life, with communication considerably enhancing in even the most remote areas; permitting individuals to have ‘easier and more reliable use of information and services’. However, Flanagan (2010 p. 176) reports that there’s been a failure to build up rural areas sufficiently, causing high urbanization rates causing unemployment and housing shortages in large towns; questioning if the rate of urbanization has been ‘beneficial or detrimental to economic growth’.

The possible lack of community life in urban environments is normally cited as being among the key distinctions between rural and urban sociology, and would denounce the that rurality lacks relevance in a post-modern society. However, technological advancements, including information communication technology and transport and others, have resulted in more people choosing to live in rural environments and commuting for their employment on a daily basis. This assignment has discussed both sides associated with argument, with reference to a number of theoretical contributions, including Wirth, Durkheim, Tonnies, and Simmel; all of which focus on the impact upon social relations within the city. However, it has also highlighted a number of the social issues which are indiscriminately impacted upon by location. The assignment has clearly supported the perception that there’s been a decline within the relevance of rural sociology because the Industrial Revolution, however, it has yet to get rid of all credibility whatever the developments made in a postmodern society.

Betti, G. and Lemmi, A. (2013). Poverty and social exclusion. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

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Furedi, F. (2013). Authority. Cambridge, Uk: Cambridge University Press.

Hillyard, S. (2007). The sociology of rural life. Oxford: Berg.

Karalay, G. (2005). Incorporated method of rural development. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Lin, J. and Mele, C. (2005). The urban sociology reader. London: Routledge.

Lister, R. (2010). Understanding theories and principles in social policy. Briston: Policy Press.

Magnusson, W. (2011). Politics of urbanism. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge.

Mann, P. (2000). A technique for urban sociology. London: Routledge.

Paddison, R. (2001). Handbook of urban studies. London: SAGE.

Peggs, K. (2012). Animals and sociology. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.

Pugh, R. and Cheers, B. (2010). Rural social work. Bristol, UK: Policy Press.

Robinson, J. and Green, G. (2011). Introduction to community development. La: SAGE.

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One of the biggest challenges for social policy in Britain is to encompass minority ethnic groups, as well as in many means it has failed to accomplish this. Bochel points out that for several years social policy has been reluctant to identify ethnic diversity, planning to be universal in character, so the problem of competition is definitely ignored. This has had a significant impact on minority ethnic groups due to the fact discrimination that they most definitely suffer within the labour market as well as in the city is not correctly addressed. Research has shown that men and women from ethnic minority groups are two times as likely to be unemployed as white Britons, along with other social indicators echo this pattern. Ethnic minorities are also more likely to undertake low-paid, low-skilled work, while the vicious circle that stems using this – inferior housing, poorer living criteria, and substandard schools in deprived areas – is partly due to the welfare state system, which institutionalises this discrimination. The unique issues faced by ethnic minorities must be addressed separately, and until recently social policy has failed to do this. Furthermore, the focus on tackling crime that has underpinned New Labour’s social policy and that associated with previous Conservative governments has impacted on ethnic minorities due to the frequently discriminatory nature of initiatives to cut crime. The ‘stop and search’ programme is unfairly targeted toward black youngsters, to your degree that many believe being black is tantamount to a social problem (McGhee, 2005). Such flaws in British social policy have certainly contributed to a growing sense of isolation amongst ethnic minority groups, and therefore it may be argued that social policy is normally more threatening than beneficial.

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Considering the fact that welfare states are usually associated with left of centre governments, while the supposed hostility of conservative right wing parties toward high degrees of state intervention, the term ‘conservative welfare states’ seems somewhat of an anomaly. However, you will find definite types of conservative states that not only avoid fighting the welfare state but actually encourage the dependence of citizens in the government. This is traced back to the Bismarckian ‘corporatist’ system of 19th century Germany, in which it had been viewed as within the interests associated with state to look after the welfare of its citizens. This kind of welfare state (in its extreme kind) is less about reducing inequality and enhancing citizens lives than it is maintaining the status quo – a hierarchical system based on a culture of dependence (Esping-Anderson, 1990). Conservative welfare states in many cases are religious and/or nationalist in nature, having a strong focus on household values. Epitomising such traits is arguably George Bush’s current reign. Despite initial cuts in public places expenditure, government spending has actually increased faster under Bush than it did under Bill Clinton, by having an increase of nearly 33%. The religious facet of Bush’s conservative system is illustrated with reference to his 2001 pledge to provide vast amounts of dollars to faith-based charities. Accepting the inevitability of ‘big government’ ( and therefore the finish of Conservative emphasis on cutting spending), the republican government under Bush has prioritised public spending partly based on religious preferences. Therefore, a ‘conservative’ welfare state is the one that utilizes welfare being a control process, to advance a specific method of thinking – for example religion, nationalism – on its citizens.

The 1970s definitely marked a watershed in British history with regard to the welfare state; however, to claim that the past 30 years has witnessed a roll-back associated with state and a decline in public places spending reaches most useful too simplistic and also at worst incorrect. In fact, research indicates that from the late 1970s, public spending being a proportion of GDP has remained fairly stable. Thatcher certainly espoused the merits of little government and individualism and bemoaned the high degrees of government spending linked to the economic crises for the 1970s, however the welfare state had become entrenched in British society, practically to your point of no return. There have, though, been significant changes in the employment of public spending, as governments happen forced to re-prioritise spending (Alcock et al). For example, shelling out for education has increased within the past 30 years, whereas the Conservative and New Labour governments have attempted to tighten their budgets within the section of income support with an increase in means testing for benefits. NHS spending has additionally increased significantly under Labour following the 1999 Comprehensive Spending Review, by about 4.7% annually (Alcock et al). Ultimately, governments within the past 30 years have strived to enhance the efficiency of public services, and this has accounted for the changes in the employment of public social expenditure.

Even though it is essential not to disregard the pre-1940 foundations upon that the welfare state ended up being built, one cannot deny that the welfare state was most fully realized in Britain between 1940 and 1970. Building in the strong sense of collectivism that characterized the war years, people and the government alike reached the consensus that state intervention ended up being required to make sure that Britain would satisfy its full economic potential. It is widely regarded that the following policies stemmed from a mixture of the economic philosophy of John Maynard Keynes while the social philosophy of William Beveridge. The truth that a fundamental framework of social policy emerged for the very first time ended up being distinctive since it complemented the political and economic legal rights afforded to citizens from the turn associated with century. Furthermore, it represented the beginning of a rights-based citizenship in Britain (Alcock et al). It had been also efficiently the very first time since the development of political parties that the common good of the nation prevailed over partisan differences. Asa Briggs’ classic essay identified three principal aspects of the welfare state which were distinctive from the pre-war period. The goal was to guarantee the guarantee of minimum standards (including income), social protection by their state in certain cases of need while the provision of services at a maximum level (Briggs, 1985). Another distinctive factor ended up being that this protection was to be universal – unlike the poor rules associated with Victorian times, use of welfare was to be ‘free at the point of delivery’ for many, with no stigma previously attached to welfare support.